As the results of
the Irish abortion referendum were announced on May 26th, scenes of
celebration were shared around the world. The "yes" vote to
repeal the constitutional ban on abortion had registered a smashing
majority of 66.4%. Voter turnout was 54.51% - higher than for the
2015 marriage equality campaign and a record for any referendum in
Ireland.
With 1,429,981 votes
for repeal, campaign group Abortion Rights Campaign (ARC) Ireland
points out, more votes were cast to remove the amendment than were
cast to insert the ban into the constitution in 1983.
The 8th amendment,
as it was known, recognised a right to life of the foetus equal to
the right to life of the woman or pregnant person.
Under the ban,
abortion has been subject to a comprehensive ban, even in cases of
risk to the woman's health, conception from rape, and when fatal
foetal anomaly have been diagnosed. Thousands of women travel abroad
every year to obtain abortions in the UK and Europe, and thousands
more risk the 14 year gaol term undergoing illegal abortion using
imported medications without medical supervision.
The death of migrant
dentist Savita Halappanava in 2012 from septic miscarriage was
attributed to the ban, as legal uncertainty led to delays emptying
her uterus while the foetal heartbeat was detected, even though her
miscarriage was deemed inevitable and became the cause of her
overwhelming infection.
Her death became the
trigger for legislative reform and the push to repeal the
constitutional ban.
After a series of
public mobilisations, the issue was referred to the Irish Citizens'
Assembly, which recommended a referendum to repeal the constitutional
amendment and allow the government to make laws to regulate abortion.
Before the
referendum, the government announced that if the amendment was
repealed, they would introduce legislation to allow abortion freely
up to 12 weeks of pregnancy, for medical reasons (with two doctors'
agreement) up to 24 weeks, and for fatal foetal anomaly after that.
They have pledged to introduce the legislation this year, and plan to
establish services in Ireland in 2019.
The No campaign
mobilised with images of foetuses, attempts to equate foetal life
with the lives of children and pregnant women, misleading advertising
claiming the government's proposed legislation would allow abortion
up to six months, and claims to "love both" - arguing for
adoption instead of abortion.
A statement issued
by the Adoption Rights Alliance noted the offensive irony of the No
camp slogan "Love Both". As advocates for those adopted
under Ireland's closed, forced adoption system, they pointed out that
none of the adopted people they are in contact with over two decades
have ever been offered support by anti-abortion organisations.
Similarly, it was anti-abortion crusaders who persecuted pregnant
women and gave cover to the forced incarceration of unmarried
pregnant women and girls (and those considered "at risk" of
pregnancy outside marriage) in the Magdalene Laundries and other
institutions - where they were forced to give birth and relinquish
their babies for adoption.
Adopted People for
Yes was one of the 97 groups that joined the umbrella group "Together
for Yes," by the time the referendum was held. It emphasised
compassion and care for women and pregnant people facing crisis
pregnancy.
The Yes campaign was
marked by stalls, fundraisers, rallies, public statements and social
media outreach. Perhaps most striking was the scale of mobilising of
volunteers to doorknock canvassing for votes. The Yes volunteers
knocked on 500,000 doors, or about a third of all households in the
country.
In public and in
private, people facing crisis pregnancy told their stories of stigma
and isolation traveling for abortion care; of taking medications to
induce abortion without medical assistance; and of being denied care
in their home country, when faced with a diagnosis of severe foetal
health problems that would inevitably result in stillbirth or the
death of the baby if born.
“Today’s results
show what we in ARC have seen around the country for the last 6 years
– that the people of Ireland were hungry for change. The grassroots
community-led organising at the heart of ARC has been a huge part of
the campaign’s appeal across all groups and communities. We
especially acknowledge the work of migrants who did not have a vote
and who were disproportionately affected by the Eighth, as well as
the many trans and non-binary people affected.”
“This result is
bigger than Ireland: we know the world watches us as abortion access
is being eroded in other places. Ireland now has the opportunity to
be a beacon to the world in terms of respect for people who can get
pregnant.”
Close to the
republic, calls have already been made for the UK to liberalise
abortion access in Northern Ireland, where the issue has been
devolved to the parliament of the six counties, and remains banned
by an 1861 law. With the power-sharing agreement in a shambles and no executive government in Belfast for over a year, the demand is being made for the UK government to bring abortion law into line with the rest of the UK. A rally of hundreds launching the campaign was held
in Belfast on May 28.
Another rally was
held the same day in Brisbane. Buoyed by the victory in Ireland,
sixty people gathered to call for repeal of Queensland's abortion
laws - also modelled on the UK 1861 Offences Against the Persons Act.
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