As women and their allies around the world prepare to strike, rally
and march on International Women's Day, abortion rights are once
again placed on the agenda in many countries. And in Australia, a new
movement for abortion rights is emerging. It's a movement that sits
within the broader struggle for reproductive justice that includes
the right to have and keep children, the right to contraceptive
information and healthcare, the right to respect and autonomy when
we're giving birth, the struggle against forced sterilisation, and
more. It's part of the wider struggle for the rights of all women -
including trans women. But it's still unfinished business.
In some ways, the movement never went away. In the heyday of the
second wave of the women's liberation movement, the struggle for
abortion rights was one of the central demands around which women
rallied across Australia. Nineteenth century laws made abortion a
crime. Protests for law repeal morphed into service provision and
advocacy, but although in the 60s and 70s, law reform in South
Australia and liberal court rulings in Victoria and NSW paved the way
for safe abortion services to be established in many states, abortion
access is still a postcode lottery. Nowhere is this more apparent
than Western Australia, where abortion was mostly decriminalised
almost 20 years ago, but access to publicly funded abortion services
depends on whether or not you live in the postcode-determined
catchment area of the small number of hospitals or
hospital-contracted private providers that provide abortion in
accordance with the principle established in the law - that it be by
"informed consent" - not exactly on demand, but almost.
A lot of abortion law reform has been reactive. From the 1960s to the
1990s in Victoria, NSW and Qld, court rulings in cases of
prosecutions under anti-abortion laws recognised (more or less
stringently) circumstances when abortion could be legal. In WA and
Tasmania, reform of anti-abortion laws was triggered by charges or
police investigations into doctors performing abortion. In each case,
rallies and other grassroots public actions were organised to give
visibility to public support for abortion rights. Similarly, when a
restrictive court ruling in NSW threatened to undermine the
previously recognised legality of abortion in a wide range of
circumstances. But starting with SA and the NT, and more recently,
ACT, Victoria, Tasmania and again the NT, legislative reforms came
about as a result of more pro-active processes, including legislators
working with abortion rights groups and parliamentary responses to
law reform commission reports.
Now, the momentum for change keeps growing.
In South Australia, abortion is accessible in designated hospitals -
but only there, and only for women who meet the residency provisions.
This is a problem for accessing abortion, which in other states can
be completed at home.
In the Northern Territory, those who spearheaded last year's
breakthrough decriminalisation that still retained some restrictions
on abortion after 14 and even more, after 23 weeks have pledged to
campaign for the full right to abortion.
At the time of writing, a crisis grips abortion service provision in
Tasmania. In 2001, the feminist-run free-standing abortion clinic
closed its doors after medical termination (ie, taking medications to
induce miscarriage-like abortion) began to be offered by some
doctors. This led to bottle-necks in the public hospital system.
Services stopped completely after a medical student complained to the
police that unlawful abortion was being carried out in Hobart's
public hospital. In response to the crisis, Labor premier Jim Bacon
recalled parliament, and minimal law reform providing clarity allowed
services to recommence and new clinics to be established with legal
protection.
Now, after years of private clinic provision of abortions, the
much-expanded availability of early medical abortion has again led to
a closure of the state's free-standing private abortion services. As
a consequence, and in the absence of on-request public hospital
services, women unable to obtain early medical abortion once again
have to travel interstate for surgical terminations.
The state LNP government refuses to intervene.
By contrast, state and federal Labor have pledged public funding to
establish a hospital-affiliated service to meet the need. If Labor
wins the March 3 state election, they must not wait for the election
of a federal Labor government to make sure public hospitals provide
this needed reproductive healthcare. If the LNP maintains power, the
crisis and hardship for women and people needing abortion will be set
to continue. As former AMA head and Sydney city councillor, Professor
Kerryn Phelps put it on ABC's "The Drum," there's no reason
why hospitals can't be required to provide the service tomorrow.
In Western Australia, the state government is considering moves to
create protective zones around abortion clinics, in line with similar
protections in Tasmania, Victoria and the ACT. The need for this is
most obvious around this time of year, when some people decide that
for Lent, the best thing they can do to show their adherence to the
guy who said "Don't judge, so you won't be judged," is to
"give up" letting people enter abortion clinics without
being confronted by "sidewalk counsellors" who want to
convince women to continue their pregnancies, and clinic staff to
find another job. In the words of one such group of zealots, they
want to end abortion "from the inside out" - to reduce the
number of people willing to be involved in abortion services, until
"then there were none."
NSW and Queensland remain the only Australian states to keep abortion
a crime without spelling out exceptions in the law. In the last two
years, both states have seen a number of public rallies and creative
actions to build support for abortion law reform. In 2017, both state
parliaments failed the test when given the chance to recognise
women's and pregnant people's rights to decide about this health
matter for themselves.
In NSW, the state upper house voted down a bill to take abortion out
of the criminal code and protect women from anti-abortion harassment
at clinics. Opinion polling shows majority support for these
measures. The bill was introduced by Greens MLC Mehreen Faruqi, and
had wide-ranging support, from doctors and public health groups to
anti-violence and civil liberties. Just not politicians elected to
represent the community.
In Qld, independent MP Rob Pyne withdrew his bills to decriminalise
and regulate abortion when Labor wouldn't bind its members to support
them and the LNP announced its members would all exercise their
"conscience" vote to vote against. In return for
withdrawing the bills, Labor referred the issue to the Queensland Law
Reform Commission (QLRC).
Women's Abortion Rights Campaign, a grassroots independent feminist
activist group, has organised numerous rallies, pickets, petition
campaigns and other activities aimed at building and expressing
public support for change. It has initiated a rally on May 26 to mark
the global day of action for women's health, under the slogan
"Abortion rights: it's time." The rally will call for
abortion to be decriminalised and for safe abortion to be free, safe
and accessible "on demand and without apology." The rally
will be held at King George Square, from 11am and will come a month before the QLRC
is due to report.
Including the call for abortion to be free is an important component
of the struggle for abortion rights. The law as it stands in Qld is a
serious obstacle to the exercise of the right to determine whether or
not to continue a pregnancy. But the lack of services won't be solved
by decriminalisation without a commitment by governments to ensure
that the public hospital system - funded to provide the range of
healthcare needs - meets the needs for reproductive healthcare,
including safe abortion.
We must insist that Qld Labor match the pledge of its Tasmanian
counterpart and establish reproductive healthcare hubs throughout the
state to meet the unmet need for abortion that remains an obstacle to
the full exercise of women's rights.
While a lot changed with the rise of organised feminist campaigns for
abortion rights in the 70s, and activism has continued in a range of
forms since then, legality and free access to abortion in our
communities remains to be won. The right to decide whether or not to
continue a pregnancy is a prerequisite for determining the course of
our lives. This IWD, we again raise the cry, "our bodies, our
lives, our right to decide."
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